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REFLEXUS - Revista Semestral de Teologia e Ciências das Religiões
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Like other members of the imperial elite, the Brazilian political clergy became deeply involved in this debate, articulating religion and politics in modeling new national projects. As Souza points out, "the clergy was an important political agent during the period in which the conflicts that resulted in the political emancipation of Brazil were processed", 16 thus remaining in post-independence, when it assumed a significant presence in Parliament and other representative bodies.

In addition, he had acted in non-institutional ways, such as the press, expressing himself on plural issues. Among them, the nomination of candidates for Episcopal appointments, parish priests and chaplains; and the administration of ecclesiastical tithes, in addition to the king's power to censor the papal bulls and letters. The patronage thus represented the strength of the Portuguese-Brazilian Catholic mentality - its cultural base and foundation of legitimization of any form of government -, which unfolded in the secular action of the Church in Brazil, rendering the religious and political spheres practically inseparable, thus, collaborating to weaken the institutional character of the Church in Portuguese America.

Throughout the colonial period, there was no "Church subject" capable of establishing his own goals and strategies to achieve them, independently of the crown. However, in spite of the preponderance initially assumed by the regalist model at the level of national politics, exponents of the ultra-mountain clergy - who rescued the inheritance of the Society of Jesus in Brazil, defending the direct subordination of the Catholic Church to Rome and, in this sense, of the reform that would take effect only at the end of the Empire - were present since the first half of the nineteenth century.

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Polarizing their positions on the models of State and Church with those advocated by the regalist clergy - although none of the groups disregarded the importance of religion as a civilizing ingredient -, these clergymen have since fed a specific polemic subject that has strained the Brazilian religious field, becoming radicalized in the late nineteenth century: As a reaction to the alleged "Protestant threat" - widely debated among the other members of the imperial elite - two prominent representatives of the ultramontane clergy in Brazil were mobilized: In the present article, we will try to situate these first manifestations of ultramontane criticism in the theme of religious freedom in Brazil.

Therefore, the reflections that follow analyze the publications of these publicist priests, 24 published in the s, when the paths leading to clerical reform were not yet obvious. From a theoretical point of view, the controversy about the coming of Protestants to Brazil can be analyzed based on the theoretical instrumental of Pierre Bourdieu, when dealing with the configuration of the "religious field" and internal disputes that structure and inform its dynamics, in different historical contexts.

In the light of contributions that analyze other Latin American quarters, it is assumed that such dissidences, even in the case observed, are no longer deeply religious movements, because they dispute the same "symbolic charge of the sacred" within the same Christian field. Considering that during the first half of the nineteenth century the Galican-Jansenist matrices that structured the relations between State and Church in Brazil were appropriated by the royalist clergy, in the treatment of the theme of religious tolerance and other topics of Portuguese illustration we shall begin our reflections situating the terms of this debate, which polarized the Brazilian Catholic clergy.

The rehabilitation of the Gallican-Jansenist theses and the ultra-mountain criticism. In Portugal - as in other Catholic monarchies - the articulation between religious and political practice gained a specific shape from the middle of the eighteenth century, when political power began to assume absolutist forms.

Since then, the patronage tended to become Regalism, "a system by which the concessions received by the kings for the maintenance of the faith were often amplified and arbitrarily modified by the state," so as to submit the Church to the imperatives of royal power. His adversaries, defenders of the papal primacy, were given the designation of "ultra-mountainist" and his school of thought, "ultra-mountainism" It was under the auspices of the oratories that the Galician-Jansenist doctrines and practices were introduced in Coimbra.

The instrument for its dissemination was the Theology of Lyons , also called Lugdunum theology. Among the several principles proposed by this manual is that princes and Christian leaders would have the right to convene Councils and to change disciplinary points of the Church.

Not surprisingly, Lyon's theology manual was condemned by Rome and placed in the Index in This, however, did not prevent it from becoming the third most widely read manual among Portuguese-Brazilian clerics. This work predisposed the clergy and laity to the concept of daily reading of the Bible, as well as other ideas which, in the critique of orthodox Catholicism, brought them closer to Protestantism. In addition to anti-Jesuitism , the Pombal reforms made the Inquisition a "Royal Court", consecrated by the Law of April 5, , which created the Royal Censory Board , with the role of a supervisory body, in charge of selecting national and foreign books, that could circulate in the country and in the colonies.

An essentially "statist" censorship was thus created, in which books "atheists, Protestants, denying obedience to the Holy Father, as well as books of astrology, witchcraft, superstition, obscene books , those which misrepresent the Holy Scriptures and those of the perverted philosophers of these latter times".

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As Rocha points out, paying tribute to the Enlightenment defense of "freedom of conscience", this theme was present "in eighteenth-century Lusophone works and thinkers, in their projects for the Kingdom and colonies as part of a desired modernization". One of the first concrete measures in this direction was the abolition of the distinction between new and old Christians promoted by Pombal by Letter dated May 26, In addition, it is still possible to detect several changes in the work of the Tribunal of the Holy Office attesting a greater permeability to religious tolerance, especially those:.

Heir of these topics present in the Portuguese Enlightenment - which resulted in a very peculiar mixture between the Galician-Jansenist model of relationship between Church and State, anti-Jesuitism and the defense of religious tolerance - the generation of clergymen who entered the process of formation of the Brazilian national state Derived a "Christian and regalist liberalism. On the Brazilian Parliament, it was from the first legislature of the Empire, installed in , that the discussions around the Church emerged more frequently and intensely, opposing to the Feijoista group the two main representatives of the ultra-mountain clergy.


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In this way, we can conclude that, just as "the Pombal reform of the State encompassed an ecclesiastical reform", 42 the reforms undertaken by the clergy in Brazil during the first half of the nineteenth century involved questions internal to the Church and its priestly body, inspired by different models of secularization, at that moment polarized between the representatives of the regalist tradition and the defenders of ultra-mountainism.

These disputes, in our view, demonstrate how the involvement of priests in politics did not necessarily constitute a departure from the fundamental objectives of religious life, but rather was "a natural consequence of the enter twining in which the politicians and the religious representatives found themselves, "in their visions of the world. From this particular reading of Catholicism, which associated politics and religion at various levels and integrated the Church and the State into one body, the Galician-Jansenist-inspired clergy derived a particular reappropriation of the principal arrays of Pombaline regalism, adapting them to transformations in the trajectory "from one Empire to another"; among them, the one that operated the change in the symbolic foundations of the founding concept of the Brazilian State: Thus, if according to the arguments and reforms sustained by this group, imperial regalism rehabilitated Lusitanian regalism - leading its representatives to declare themselves "Catholics and combatants of the Holy See's interference in the ecclesial life of the country" - its foundations could no longer be the same.

Teologia da Aliança – Wikipédia, a enciclopédia livre

Therefore, while the "European regalists justified their acts based on the primitive church, the ancient emperors and customs," the Brazilian imperial government "justified their regalism based on the supposed popular acclaim that ceded sovereignty to the Emperor and the imperial constitution". The "external administration of the national Church was, by such a conception, the competence and right of the civil power and not a privilege granted to it.

Is there, on earth, another source from which the majestic attributes, other than the fundamental laws of empires, derive? Does the pope have any deposit of temporal power with which he can cuddle the monarchs of his friends, or perhaps be able to delegate in them some particle of his spiritual power, even though it is exclusive to the priesthood? Such a position assumed importance in the context of the reinforcement of the power and authority of Rome, operating within the framework of the restoration of the old European monarchies, after the defeat of Napoleon and the establishment of the Vienna Congress.

Since then, the Roman pontiff regained his states, gained strength within European politics, reestablished the Order of the Jesuits and strengthened the climate of rebirth of Catholicism. To this end, they submitted legislative proposals against the entry of friars belonging to all foreign religious orders in the Empire, generally framed in the anti-Jesuit Pombal law of These proposals arose under the allegation that the Orders were promoters of ultramontanism and the supremacy of papal power …. What countries do they come from, and what are the political institutions of their country?

They come from absolute governments, and they have maxims that are contrary to our constitutional system. These men will proclaim their maxims, not in public because they are guarded , but in the confessionals, they do not only preach the Gospel, but preach the maxims of the absolute system that they embrace What is the country in which they have ceased to disturb public order by availing themselves and taking advantage of the fanaticism of the people?

President, there is yet to be one disorder that does not involve a monk and always against the freedom of the people. Finally, in framing the Catholic Church "in the most traditional Pombal-inspired regalism", 52 these clergymen became involved in the debate on the issue that specifically concerns us: Two centers of temporal power are incompatible in one state. Spiritual punishment is not a matter of imposing temporal penalties, and the Roman Pontiff himself and his delegates will not subject the individuals of our nation to their domination. We legislators of mortal life, allowed and permitted all religions with their domestic worship , we only know a circle in civil society and only one center.

The passage highlights that from the point of view of the regal clergy, it was not a question of defending complete religious freedom in Brazil, associated with the freedom of public worship to other Christian denominations. Although this was the posture posed by the liberals of the Empire at the moment when the third path of secularization emerged on the national scene - which advocated the model of the secular state, defending the most unrestricted "notion of freedom, including religious" and opposed to Catholic traditionalism - mention of the tolerance of Protestants and the encouragement of their establishment in Brazil was sufficient for representatives of ultra-mountainism to mobilize in a combative manner, guided by the following objectives:.

Effort to strengthen pontifical authority over local churches; Reaffirmation of scholasticism; Restoration of the Company of Jesus ; And definition of the 'dangers' that plagued the Church Gallicanism, Jansenism, regalism, all kinds of liberalism, Protestantism, Freemasonry, deism, rationalism, socialism, civil marriage, freedom of the press and more.

Under such emphasis, they not only criticized internally regalism, but opposed any tendency associated with anticlerical liberalism, Freemasonry, and scientific philosophical thought, which were contrary to the principles of the Roman Church. Those responsible in any of the first three cases will be sentenced to imprisonment for one to three years, and in the latter case imprisonment for two to six months, according to the degree of their imputation. After all, as the most prominent representative of Ultra-mountainism in the Chamber of Deputies, he argued that the characterization of dogmas should come from the Church, the only "Column and firmament of the truth ….

It is without a doubt a perfect society, that is, a society which has in itself all that is necessary for its conservation and to reach the ends of its divine establishment". For our purposes, it is worth emphasizing that the bill on freedom of the press, in which Dom Romualdo de Seixas favorably positioned himself, was part of a context in which, admittedly, both regalists and Ultra-mountainists, were present not only in the instances of political representation, but also in non-institutional ways to promote their discourses in the fight against alternative models of Church reform.

In this sense, it is worth remembering that, along with parliamentary debates, the press had also turned to the issue of "parity of opportunity for all religious groups", linking it both to new ideas and conceptions about "freedom of conscience" and of "political freedom", 59 as to the liturgical visions of the world, which insisted on defending the hegemony of the Catholic religion.

Since , the question of religious tolerance had gained space in Brazilian society. This is because the transfer of the Court to Rio de Janeiro, accompanied by the effects of the opening of ports and the flagrant dependence of Portugal on England - reiterated in different treaties - opened the conditions for Protestant foreigners to settle in Brazil, 66 a situation that demanded a more tolerant posture of the inhabitants of America - still Portuguese - in relation to the confessions of another faith.

During the nineteenth century, Protestantism that arrived in Brazil was characterized as mission or conversion , originating in the American movement known as the Great Awakening , which had begun in , and in the Great Revival , which began in These movements were ideologically linked to an incursion into the American West, consisting of two main points: It was with this thought of missionary Protestantism that the first Methodist missionaries arrived in Brazil in the s. The following year, in response to Pitts' appeals, another missionary settled in Rio de Janeiro, Reverend Justus Spaulding 71 , with the mission of organizing a Church, which had forty members, all of them foreigners.

He was the missionary who spent more time in Brazilian lands between and In addition to the establishment of the Church, Spaulding opened a Sunday school with thirty students, including Brazilians.


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  • In , Daniel Parish Kidder 72 , of the American Bible Society , came to reinforce Spaulding's mission, standing out as a major distributor of Bibles. Despite the ease of this attempt to fix Methodists, the first mission was short-lived, ending its activities in There are some possible reasons for closing these activities, but the most likely would be the crisis of Protestant churches in the United States, 74 which hit the Methodist Church in , the year that in Brazil coincided with the beginning of the ultra-mountain reforms of the Seminaries in a tridentine way.

    Thus, the Methodist missions would only occur again in the s, with the official installation of Rev.

    Teologia da Aliança

    Ramson, relying only on foreigners in their worship services. With the arrival of the first Methodist missionaries in Brazil, Father Perereca and Father Tilbury direct their writings against this Protestant segment. In order to do so, they took advantage of the new possibilities of circulation of ideas through the press, which gave rise to a new political figure: They also participated in unofficial public associations in Rio de Janeiro, being "people who joined the power of the printed word to the presence in forms of institutionalized sociability".

    In this profile, the so-called "publicist priests" fit in, and both the regalist clergy and the ultra-mountain clergy used the opinion press. According to Santirocchi, with the help of another Englishman named James Andrews, Father Tilbury "assumed the responsibility, between the years , to read all Protestant missionary publications in English in search of news about Methodist work in Brazil," publishing them in the newspapers of Rio de Janeiro "in order to inform Catholics and provoke their reaction".

    In defense of the hegemonic position of the Catholic Church in Brazil, Father Perereca used political and theological arguments. A clear example of this is his refutation of Spaulding's correspondence - called the "missionary of Rio de Janeiro" - to the "Society of Missions of the Methodist Episcopal Church of New York," in which the Rev. As the "public" could not be framed as "domestic worship," such a practice was unconstitutional. As he himself argued:. If the Methodist said: For my family and for those of my fellowship, it is allowed by the Constitution; But for the public, no.

    What is meant by the word "public"? The People of Rio de Janeiro! What is the Religion of this People? The Covenant Theology of Caspar Olevianus. A Reformed Baptist Primer. The economy of the covenants, between God and man: Comprehending a complete body of divinity. Magnifying God in Christ. Grenz, Theology for the Community of God , Wm. Eerdmans Publishing, USA, , p. The Structure of Biblical Authority. The Current Justification Controversy. Collected Writings of John Murray. Getting the Gospel Right. Far as the Curse is Found.

    From Faith to Faith: A Portraiture of Methodism.

    E a luta continua: Buttelli, Felipe Gustavo Koch; http: This doctoral dissertation seeks to point out some ways for a public theology in a Brazilian context so that it maintains identification with the Latin American theological tradition of liberation theology. This essay offers a panoramic study about the concepts of public theology and public sphere, especially concerning the Brazilian context. In the first chapter, different understandings of public theology are identified and Elementos de uma teologia da ecologia: Theology of the Earth arises in the 70 s as an initiative of the churches in Latin America who had been facing the reality of emerging problems in the countryside for a long period.